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American consumers set to be the biggest losers in Trump’s trade wars | Donald Trump

On Wednesday, President Donald Trump announced a 10 percent universal tariff for almost all imports to the United States, claiming that this step represents the “liberation day” of the American economy. However, politics is a supporter of the People’s Liberation Army in China. If it is preserved, the definitions will prove very harmful to the American economy, the American consumer, and the country’s position in the world.

Significantly 10 percent tariff is the foundation line. Trump’s efforts to liberate the American economy include many customs tariffs. One example is my 25 percent definition on all car imports that came into effect on “Tahrir Day”. Trump claims that his policy aims to restore the American industrial base, but there is no time to rebuild this capacity of light war. Trump, of course, pays such a little concern. A 25 percent identical tariff is delayed on car parts for a month only and will come into effect in May. Car prices will rise, and supply chains will wander.

The United States is the most automotive-based main economy-a greater share of voters will be hit directly than this step more than any other Western country. The tariffs in March in Canada and Mexico – the countries whose manufacture of American cars – have already been disrupted. There is almost external Expectation The prices will rise.

But this trend will play through many other supply chains as well. Many of the closest allies of the United States face a higher tariff – goods from the European Union will face a 20 percent blanket tariff. Japanese exports of Japanese exports will be imposed by 24 percent. Tax taxes, whose supply of chips will be very important for the American technology industry, will be imposed by 32 percent. India and Vietnam, two countries whose supply chains have been redirected since the Trump administration started with a more severe concentration on trade defects in the United States, is facing a 26 percent tariff and 46 percent, respectively.

The United States is not ready for an inflationary shock. It still fights the recent inflation shock caused by the “Whineip” influence of the seizure of global supply chains during the Covid-19s and the international economic frequencies of the full invasion in Russia for the year 2022. The inflationary impact will feel Trump’s definitions sooner and not later, even with some of his team scrambled to demand that there will be negotiations on reducing some definitions. This is because importers and distributors will have to reassess the profitability of the goods they are now asking. Supply chains may be more disabled due to anti -affected countries.

Although there is no doubt that the era of global free trade that Washington did a lot to intervene in the shadow of former presidents, the country’s share of low manufacturing witnessed, it was the American consumer who may have been the greatest beneficiary of this agenda. They will be the main losers of Trump’s policy.

Trump connects the consensus of the two parties that was in his place before his rise, which raised the “globalization” who is supposed to lead this agenda, and in his opinion, the strong negative reaction to the stock market to cancel it from the idea of ​​a flowing trade. But the great paradox is that it is his Republican party that did more to push this agenda forward.

In the eighties of the last century, President Ronald Reagan has placed the trade in his mission of prosperity, for both the United States and those who will participate with it. Milton Friedman, a traditional economic expert, was consistent with the conservatives and Reagan Adviser, books: “Our definitions harm us as well as other countries. We will benefit from dispensing with our definitions even if other countries do not do … there are few measures that we can take and that would do more to enhance the cause of freedom at home and abroad.”

Reagan’s democratic opposition was late – when Bill Clinton brought North America’s free trade agreement to Congress in 1994, more Republican Senate members voted more than Democrats. However, Trump does not plan to have any kind of censorship of Congress on his latest plans, however – even when it appears to conflict with free trade agreements with affected countries.

However, Congress can still fulfill its role.

Trump’s tariff depends on a relatively thin position. He claims to take them out of the “causes of national security”. Officially, they are justified by the 1977 IEEPA Economic Forces Law (IEPA). The ancient action, which is half -century in its length, is among the most influential American legislation in history, because it allows the great expansion of the authority of the executive authority. He sits at the heart of the authority to issue sanctions as well as to impose restrictions on the export of American technology, as well as many of Trump’s previous tariff works.

In order for the president to use these powers, he must declare the basic national emergency and provide justification for them. Although this did not do so at all, Congress has the ability to end a state of national emergency declared under IEPA through the 1985 National Emergency Law.

A vote on the cancellation has already been made in the US Senate. Hours after Trump announced his induction attack, four Republicans – Susan Collins from Min State, Lieza Morkovsky joined Alaska and both Senate members in Kentucky, and former majority leader Mitch McConneel and Rand Ball – Voting To obtain a decision to cancel the “national emergency” on Trump’s fentanel to justify the hypothesis of Canada, through 51-48. But with this procedure, it was only Canadian, and not the same thing that supports Trump’s tariff for Mexico, targeted. This highlights how dark the political expectations of the immediate reflection of the latest definitions that Trump linked, which were enacted against the background of the various “national emergencies” associated with commercial deficit.

No decision to cancel Trump’s national emergency situations and the opposite of his definitions is unless it resists the veto, which requires the majority of the two -thirds of the Senate and the House of Representatives. The Republican Command in the House of Representatives is not expected to vote even to the Senate’s decision in Canada, not to mention a future decision that would affect a tariff on Wednesday.

Congress today is not ready to do what is necessary to reflect the destructive Trump plan.

Some Democrats have begun to move from embracing free trade under the Biden administration, while realizing that although its benefits to it, it also has its costs and that re -balance is necessary. The Republican Party, on the other hand, had no gradual change in the Orthodoxy. It has turned completely since Trump came to prove dominance eight years ago. It is almost impossible to achieve a two -thirds majority against the Trump tariff.

However, everything must be done to open the eyes of those in Congress and persuade them to do what is true.

The economic costs of Trump’s tariff actions will soon become clear. But with Congress opposition outside Congress – whether it is from the American consumer, the stock market or the courts – Trump will break more criteria to try to protect his business schedule.

April 2025 It can still launch the American liberation, but only if the Congress liberates the country from the tyranny of government through “national emergency”.

The opinions expressed in this article are the author of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of the editorial island.

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2025-04-03 11:47:00

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