On February 15, during the 38th Summit of the African Union (AU) held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, African leaders Mahmoud Ali Youssef, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Djibouti, were elected as a new chairman of the African Union Committee (AUC), the executive authority, and the continental body branch. Rila Odinga, former Kenya Prime Minister and Richard Randramarano, former Minister of Foreign Affairs in Madagascar.

Youssef, Foreign Minister in Djibouti, has since 2005 and assumed the position of Moussa Faki Mahamat, former Prime Minister of Chad, who served two consecutive periods for a period of four years as a leader of AUC. In his official statement, he committed to the progress of governance and democracy, promoting institutional capacity, and promoting peace and security, among other goals.

Youssef takes office at a time fraught with the dangers in Africa, and he is expected to benefit from his diplomatic experience, especially to address the skill conflicts in Sudan and Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

Youssouf seems to be prepared for the peace and work championship for major positive changes in countries throughout the continent in the coming years. But its success is less than the content, as African leaders generally hesitate to abandon a great power of the African Union and its organizations.

The African Court on Human Rights and Peoples (ACPR) issued a report in March 2022, which revealed that as of July 2021, only 7 percent of its rulings were complied with complete .

In addition, the report stated that many African countries have made it clear to the Executive Council that they will not abide by the court’s decisions. This may explain the reason for the deletion of the AchPR report last year.

Most African leaders resist the imposition of strict external control standards – critical interventions that their country needs to prevent war and instability. Thus, what you might achieve in the next four years.

The successes and failure of his predecessor, Musa Faki Mawhamat, may provide some evidence about what the new AUC chair can expect to achieve in the coming period.

At a ceremony to celebrate the official start of his currency on March 14, 2017, Mahamat was roaming with confidence. He pledged to “make the committee to a tool capable of translating into a reality on the vision of our leaders and the aspirations of our peoples”, and “to silence weapons and achieve Africa -free Africa by 2020.”

Eight years later, his administration’s performance was distinguished by a set of limited achievements and many challenges that have not been resolved.

Mahamat was a fundamental role in mediation Coha’s hostility agreement (COHA)A teacher of peace signed between the Ethiopian government and the People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) on November 2, 2022, in Pretoria, South Africa. This agreement is ended for destruction 2020-2022 Tigray War. Despite this decisive achievement, he was unable to “silence weapons” in conflicts in Chad, Mali, Burkina Fasofor Somalia and Mozambique Although there was no effort.

In his speech to the thirty -seventh regular session of the African Union Association on February 17, 2024, Mahamat expressed his deep frustration with non -liberal measures of African leaders, who chose not to name, apparently in an enthusiastic attempt to rationalize his failure.

He referred to the ongoing conflicts on the continent, and the renewed military coups in Central and western AfricaAnd the overwhelming desire Some member states of the African Union For elections, it is reliable. Finally, he truly said, “Instead of being happy prices for peaceful transportation or maintenance of power, the elections, through their violations, have become factors that deepen crises.”

At the same time, he stressed that many African leaders have largely ignored the architecture of African peace and security (APSA), and the African Union Plan for Conflict Prevention, Administration, its solution, and its counterparts, the structure of African rule (AGA). The purpose of AGA is to strengthen and defend human rights and people, strengthen democratic institutions and culture, and ensure good rule and the rule of law.

Maham also disturbed the fact that institutional reforms within the continental union did not deal effectively with issues related to the AUC authorities and its president. “Although the chairman of the committee is recognized in the texts as the legal representative and” the chief accounting employee “of the organization, he is deprived of the paradox of the margin of maneuvering sufficient to work urgently on strategic questions.

After that, he presented a sharp criticism of African leaders, claiming that they possess “the frantic tendency to make decisions without a real political will to implement them.” This led to a sad, and unprecedented scenario where Mahamat said, 93 percent of the decisions taken in 2021, 2022 and 2023 were made.

He added that such a systematic challenge is noticeable for both the level of member states and regional societies, as member states often ignore and violate the decisions determined by the continental bodies. It is worrying that he warned that without transformative changes, the organization will not be unable to respond effectively to the political social challenges present on the continent.

African leaders, undoubtedly, are a great obstacle to the social and economic progress of the continent. They are pleased to witness the development in the African Union into a weak -conscious entity that primarily serves their subjective goals around it.

Therefore, it is necessary to be granted, in his role as a successor, independent independent authority and resources to impose a strict compliance of the organization’s agreements, especially with regard to APSA and AGA.

Without it, unfortunately it may be unable to solve the most urgent continent’s problems like its predecessor.

In 2002, the African Union provided a mechanism for reviewing the African theorizers (APRM) to allow member states to evaluate voluntary governance practices. However, its effect was minimal. Given the ongoing conflicts and insufficient governance that continues throughout the continent every year, Africa clearly requires a comprehensive regulatory framework for annual and improvised national assessments.

Consider the situation in Sudan.

For three decades, the African Union has turned into illegal actions, illegal and inhumanely deeply for the regime of President Omar Al-Bashir-the procedures that slowly paved the way for a coup from April 11, 2019. After that, she removed Al -Bashir in the coup after that to the other military seizure October 25, 2021And the current civil war.

The African Union’s inability to impose a good rule to impose the scene of similar failures in Mozambique.

The inability of the deep ruler of Frilimo to create a comprehensive democracy, ensure economic stability, and the provision of basic services made Capo Deljado’s rich in rebellion. Starting in October 2017, an armed rebellion in the province displaced more than 1.3 million people, which led to the exposure of health care infrastructure, and led to a critical humanitarian crisis. The African Union and its different bodies did not do more than watching these tragedies.

Indeed, in both scenarios, the African Union had the opportunity to implement decisive governance interventions in time to advance peace, stability and social and economic welfare. It was not that, or more accurate, he could not.

Unfortunately, Addis Ababa historically was stripped of the authority required to analyze and respond to bad driving. Mozambique and Sudan is just two examples between many. The African Union was also unable to deal with the plight of political prisoners in Eritrea, democratic slipping in Tunisia, and the brutal repression that lasts for years for opposition leaders in Uganda, to name a few.

Given the continuous contempt for the main African Union protocols that demand the unrest in the continent, it is very important that the new chair of AUC does not take a negative position in the next four years. His office must give the unambiguous authority to hold African leaders accountable for their political transgressions and failures.

Youssouf can make a legacy of peace and social and economic transformation in its new role, but it must first obtain the African Union to start working in the interest of the main stakeholders: 1.5 billion people in Africa.

The opinions expressed in this article are the author of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of the editorial island.